Cocaine: What Europe refuses to see
Jesús Bautista, twenty-five years old, lost a leg and the sight in his right eye after stepping on a mine.
while fighting alongside the Colombian army against a drug cartel
in the Catatumbo region of Colombia, in 2026. Photo by Mads Nissen
INTERVIEW AND PORTFOLIO With Sangre Blanca, Mads Nissen does more than document cocaine routes: he traces a human and political geography of their consequences. From Colombia to Mexico, and then to Europe’s nightlife, the Danish photographer brings together worlds that may appear far apart but are bound by the same market. An interview with a photojournalist seeking to make photography a tool for understanding, empathy and accountability.
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Sangre Blanca—“White Blood” in English—is the title of Danish photographer Mads Nissen’s latest photographic project. Winner of the 2021 World Press Photo of the Year award, Nissen has focused his lens on the human consequences of global cocaine consumption. From Colombia, where cocaine is produced, to Mexico, a key trafficking hub, and on to the European countries where it is consumed, he traces the global geography of the cocaine trade. Rarely have the violence along these routes and the normalisation of cocaine use thousands of kilometres away been shown so powerfully as two sides of the same reality. Nissen’s work seeks to confront European consumers and raise their awareness of their own responsibility. We met him in Perpignan during the 38th edition of the Visa pour l’Image festival. / David Zana, for les humanités.
Born in 1979, Mads Nissen is a Danish photojournalist based in Copenhagen. A photographer for the daily newspaper Politiken since 2014, he focuses on inequality and human rights, with empathy as his guiding principle. His images were chosen as World Press Photo of the Year in 2015 and 2021; he also received the Visa d'Or at the Visa pour l'Image festival in 2022. In Sangre Blanca , a multi-year investigation, he follows the global cocaine trade, from Colombian growers to European consumers, and examines the violence this market inflicts on the populations it serves.
David Zana - Over what period did you work on Sangre Blanca?
Mads Nissen – Mostly between 2022 and 2025. But some photographs date back to 2016, 2017 and 2018. Those were the years of the peace process in Colombia. I first went there in 2006, when I was working in the Amazon. But in 2016 and 2017, I felt the country was safer. I could travel everywhere, including Chocó, Antioquia and Cauca, to places no one goes to anymore.
The situation deteriorated during President Duque’s term (1). For example, in 2016 I went to Miranda, in Cauca, where coca and marijuana are widely grown, and I had no problems. At night, you could see lights all across the mountainside; it was impressive. People spoke of a “lost city.” But today that would no longer be possible. Even the army cannot go there. I once accompanied soldiers there; it was very dangerous for them.
What precautions do you take to protect yourself and reduce the risks in the field?
I only travel to remote areas when I have been invited. Invitations come from members or leaders of Indigenous communities, or from independent people with local connections. Illegal armed groups carefully monitor who comes and goes. Generally, I stay for only a week to avoid complications. […] Before the peace process, many areas were under FARC control; today, they are controlled by numerous smaller groups: Dagoberto Ramos, Jaime Martínez and others. It is more complicated, and everything is constantly changing. Sometimes they strike deals; sometimes they fight each other. The situation is complex.
When I am invited to a particular area, I stay there. If someone suggests going elsewhere at the last minute and I have not been invited to that area, I do not go. What is safe for the people accompanying me is not necessarily safe for me as a foreigner.
What do you think of the fight against drugs under Gustavo Petro?
Given our colonial history, as a European I would not presume to tell Colombians what to do. I can only say what I have seen. The war on drugs—fought with guns—has not worked. We have 50 years of experience with a war on drugs that has failed. What Abelardo de la Espriella wants to do has already been tried. It did not work under Petro either.
Some say there was no war on drugs under Petro, but that is not true. The strategy was simply different. Instead of intervening directly in rural areas where coca was grown, the authorities focused their efforts on the ports. More cocaine was seized during Petro’s presidency than ever before. That is also partly because exports increased. But if it becomes harder to ship cocaine out through the ports, traffickers will go through Venezuela or Ecuador instead. That is why the situation has become so worrying in Guayaquil, Ecuador. It is very dangerous there. When the flow is blocked in one place, it simply shifts elsewhere. It never stops. […]
The last time I was in Colombia, I spoke with Juan Manuel Santos [president of Colombia from 2010 to 2018], who won the Nobel Peace Prize. He told me he had done everything he could to combat drugs, but felt as though he were on a stationary bike, pedaling and pedaling without getting anywhere. He was fighting with all his might, but when he looked around, the picture had not changed. Drug trafficking and violence persisted.
Why do you think the war on cocaine is doomed from the start?
I witnessed the fight against heroin in Afghanistan, and there are parallels. Those in power think: “They are just peasants in sandals, and we are a powerful army. How could we fail to defeat them? We will send more soldiers,” and so on. But look at Afghanistan today. When a strategy does not work, you have to try something else. With cocaine, I live on the continent that consumes the most, in one of the European countries with the highest consumption. I think we need to look at consumers and their responsibility, rather than always blaming Colombian farmers. Europeans do not know what is happening in Colombia; they are not interested.
It is time to listen to people with experience, like Juan Manuel Santos. The human cost of this war cannot be justified. Drug trafficking kills more people than cocaine itself. I have seen people die. I saw a young man in Brazil named Enzo die with my own eyes. Cocaine is very dangerous, but drug trafficking is even more dangerous.
During Latin America’s “lost decade” of the 1980s, Colombia’s economy fared better than others, partly thanks to cocaine exports. Do you not think the war on drugs is a farce, a charade, and that political actors do not really want to put an end to such a lucrative trade?
If there is one thing I know, it is that no one has the whole truth about this. It is too complex. Too many different realities are intertwined. I do not think there is a clear plan. Some police officers work with the cartels; others work against them. Some side with one cartel one day and another the next. Many politicians have formed alliances with drug cartels; others never have. For me, it is not black and white. There is no shortage of evidence that drug cartels have corrupted politicians. It is easy to find. Sometimes politicians are very tough in one area but too lenient in another.
Right now, the United States is intercepting vessels in the Pacific. But traffickers will simply go elsewhere. This costs the United States a great deal of money. An operation of this kind costs more than the cocaine on board is worth. The United States knows this but does it anyway, because it is all for show. In reality, it has no effect on exports, prices or anything else. It is done for television. The new Colombian president also put on a performance for the cameras, walking among the bodies of suspected members of armed groups killed in military operations and the weapons that had been seized (2).
In the remote mountains of Putumayo, Colombia, members of "Los Comandos Jungla"—an elite unit of the Colombian anti-drug police—are parachuted into the heart of a coca field. Guided by aerial surveillance from a Black Hawk helicopter,
Their mission is to locate and burn down clandestine cocaine labs scattered throughout the jungle. But they must act quickly. The police are outnumbered and in unfamiliar territory. At any moment, the farmers or the well-organized militia could attack.
The Comandos de la Frontera (also known as the CDF or La Mafia) can regroup and launch
a counter-attack when they see their business go up in smoke. Photo Mads Nissen
In Colombia, Abelardo de la Espriella was recently elected in part on his hard-line platform against illegal armed groups. What do you think of that?
The new president says everything is going to be wonderful. We will see. In a few years, we will see what has happened with the dissidents, with cocaine and with poverty. Perhaps things will improve. Perhaps they will get worse. […] I understand that people are afraid of illegal armed groups and need greater security. But I do not see things improving, because Europeans will consume more and more cocaine. As a European, that pains me. I am ashamed. But I do not see things changing. Whether in nightclubs or on smartphones, we are living in the age of cocaine: people always want more, they want that high, the effect the drug promises.
Drug trafficking continues to expand. If it is not the FARC dissidents, it will be the Clan del Golfo; if it is not Colombia, it will be Peru; if it is not Peru, it will be Bolivia, and so on. If one bribe is not enough, traffickers will offer more money. That is why, to me, it is a lost cause.
You emphasize that demand drives supply and that consumers, especially Europeans, bear responsibility. But in economics, supply and demand influence each other. Could increased production—and therefore increased supply—not also fuel consumption in the West?
Yes, there is evidence of that: the more cocaine there is on the market, the more people use it. But I think it is a matter of education. I do not use it myself, even though it is readily available. It is a matter of education. That is one of the aims of this work: to educate people about the issue.
“Cocaine is very dangerous, but drug trafficking is even more dangerous.”
As you point out in your work, Europeans—not Americans—are the main consumers. Has that always been the case?
Let me clarify: it is not that Americans are consuming less, but that Europeans are consuming more. Cocaine use is increasing worldwide. However, I do not entirely trust the official figures, because this is an illegal trade with many intermediaries. There are also indications that cocaine officially declared destroyed is put back on the market. It happens. When I speak to young people in Europe and ask who has ever tried cocaine, most say no. But when I ask who has been to a party where there was cocaine, most say yes. Many find it hard to tell the truth. […]
In the 1970s, people aspired to a more spiritual life and used more marijuana. Today, we live in a more selfish era. It is all about me, about being the best, and so on. Some people also use cocaine to perform better at work.
In the United States, opioid use competes with cocaine use, which could cause prices to fluctuate. What do you think?
Opiates lower energy; cocaine raises it. They are two different drugs for two different populations. Today, cocaine prices are remarkably stable. People in the business are not worried at all. There is an enormous supply of cocaine. Even when huge quantities are seized in Europe, the price does not change. That shows just how abundant the supply is.
What do you think of the term “narco-state” to describe Colombia or Venezuela?
Those labels are exaggerated and reductive. Some police officers or soldiers may be corrupt, but that does not mean the entire state—or the whole of society—is involved. A country such as Guinea-Bissau, for example, could more accurately be described as a narco-state. There, the entire state is compromised by drug trafficking. But I do not see Colombia as a narco-state. It would be inaccurate and unfair to label it that way. Generally speaking, I do not like labels.
"To do this work, you have to be clear-eyed about your own ignorance, show great humility and know that you are feeling your way in the dark."
Where did you feel most afraid during this investigation?
Everywhere. You have to be afraid, because these are very dangerous places. For example, in Putumayo or Cauca, where I accompanied soldiers on an operation. Also in Mexico: in Tijuana, near the border, in the state of Michoacán, or in Ciudad Juárez. But the danger is even greater for the people who live there and for local journalists. Mexico is one of the countries where journalists are most frequently murdered. I was terrified in both countries. I felt that everything could change in a second. Sometimes everything is fine—until it is not.
To do this work, you have to be clear-eyed about your own ignorance, show great humility and know that you are feeling your way in the dark. I do everything I can to cultivate my contacts and establish clear ground rules, but ultimately it is impossible to control everything.
What were you unable to do for security reasons?
Many things. For example, I wanted a photograph illustrating political corruption, showing members of the elite who claim to be on the right side but are actually corrupt. I wanted a photograph of cartel leaders in Europe, including those who live in Dubai and are admired by some young people on TikTok. Finally, I wanted more photographs of European consumers from the middle and upper classes.
I read that you found it easier to photograph cocaine producers than consumers.
Yes. Consumers almost never agree to be photographed with their faces visible while taking cocaine. If you search public photo archives, you will struggle to find such an image. Most of the photographs you do find use fake cocaine. But that is fantasy, not journalism.
Your decision to link production and consumption—to show that they are part of the same economic chain—strikes me as particularly compelling. Have you considered applying the same approach to another supply chain?
Yes, heroin, for example. The Taliban won the war in Afghanistan by financing it with heroin. But there are other examples. For instance, where does this shirt come from? I think people have access to information today. What is missing is an awareness of how these different realities are connected. There is also a lack of empathy. That is why photography matters. We need to see people in order to feel empathy. Once we know someone and their story, we pay closer attention and feel more responsible.
People who party in Berlin’s clubs, or even those who sell cocaine, know absolutely nothing about the lives of Colombian farmers or how a laboratory operates.
Which European cities and clubs did you visit for this project?
I went to many places, but without much success. You need a lot of contacts. Berlin’s clubs were the most interesting to me. The city has an extraordinarily eccentric nightlife scene. People there seek a degree of individual and sexual freedom that I have never seen anywhere else. They want freedom without limits. Many have jobs, but face so many expectations and pressures that they need to break free.
How was your work received in Europe?
This work is hard and dangerous. But seeing how people have reacted to it has been incredible. People know very little about this world, even those who have tried cocaine themselves. What happens after publication goes beyond anything I can control as a photojournalist. People stop talking about the photographs and start talking about the people in them. They ask questions. They ask me: “But what can we do?” And that is what we seek as journalists: to prompt that reflection.
To end this interview, is there a book you would recommend on the subject, and can you tell us anything about your next project?
Kilo, by Toby Muse. I really like the book. He is an English author who sees things much as I do. He was really on the ground, unlike the authors of most books on the subject, who wrote from a distance. And of course I also recommend my book, Sangre Blanca. It is available in Spanish and English. I plan to continue photographing this subject.
Interview by David Zana
David Zana is a freelance journalist working in Latin America, mainly in Argentina, Colombia and Venezuela. His articles focus on social movements, Indigenous peoples, human rights, and the region’s electoral and political challenges.
NOTES
(1) Iván Duque was president of Colombia from 2018 to 2022. Following the 2016 peace agreement with the FARC, several regions saw a resurgence of violence, fueled by competition between armed groups for territorial control. The United Nations, in particular, raised concerns about attacks on former combatants, community leaders and human rights defenders.
(2) In early September 2026, Colombian President Abelardo de la Espriella posted videos showing himself alongside the bodies of suspected members of armed groups killed in military operations. The images sparked controversy in Colombia. A judge ordered their temporary removal from the presidency’s official accounts; on September 23, another ruling rejected a request to prohibit their dissemination.
PORTFOLIO
“ Sangre Blanca challenges the clichés of the drug trafficking narrative. It is neither a classic journalistic chronicle written to condemn someone in particular, nor a scandalous revelation intended to trigger a new political storm; the kind that rarely alter the actual power dynamics in countries like Colombia. Rather, it is an attempt to examine in depth, from every angle and as deeply as possible, a crisis that has persisted for so long that it now resembles a chronic illness: a cancer that doesn't kill, but doesn't let you live either. ”
Santiago Rivas, afterword to the book by Mads Rissen.
"Through the rainy Cauca mountains in Colombia, 53-year-old Ovidio carries heavy sacks filled with coca leaves."
which he picked throughout the day. The owner pays a "raspachín," that is, a coca leaf picker,
by weight, which brings Ovidio about $25 a day.
The Cauca region of Colombia is admired for the richness of its soil and culture, but it is also respected
for its well-organized indigenous communities and their long-standing resistance in defense of their ancestral lands,
of their traditional customs and their right to autonomy.
In villages like this one, the sacred coca plant remains central to indigenous life — revered for its medicinal properties.
and spiritual, and often cultivated in vegetable gardens. But the rise of the cocaine industry changed everything. Overnight,
Money and new jobs began to flow into these mountain communities."
"Surrounded by his friends, family and the entire community, Gerson Acosta is led to his final resting place.
At just 35 years old, Acosta was already a governor and a respected Indigenous leader, known for his courage in the face of armed groups.
who were trying to take control of Kite Kiwe's ancestral territory. His resistance came at a high price: he received numerous threats.
of death by a local paramilitary faction, a group stemming from the far-right, drug-trafficking organization AUC.
On the afternoon of April 19, 2017, he was shot at point-blank range in front of his home. At the moment the shots rang out,
Gerson managed to tell his 12-year-old son, Daybi, to run away.
"Twelve-year-old Alexandra Mazo walks down the mountain, her mobile phone in hand, after finishing her school day."
in Pueblo Nuevo, a village in Antioquia, Colombia, surrounded by vast coca plantations."
"An anonymous woman visits the Santa Muerte temple in Michoacán, Mexico,
during the Night of the Dead. Some time ago, she had asked the goddess of Death, Santa Muerte, for a special favor,
And tonight, she returns to thank her after seeing her wish granted. Devotion to Santa Muerte is common.
among drug traffickers, criminals and CJNG members in this region, while in other regions
From Mexico — such as Sinaloa — the faithful address their prayers to figures like Jesús Malverde,
the "saint" patron saint of thieves and smugglers."
"It's past three in the morning, but for Natali and the crowd at Culture Box — a techno nightclub in Copenhagen —,
The night is just beginning. Since its beginnings in the 1980s, the culture surrounding techno has been characterized by
through a quest for transcendence and a hedonistic state of mind, accompanied by the consumption of psychedelic drugs
or stimulants such as MDMA, magic mushrooms, and cocaine. For many young Europeans,
"Techno embodies freedom and an escape from the noise and pressure of everyday life."
"The nightlife of Berlin, the capital of Germany, is renowned for being the most intense and unrestrained in the world.
As the city awakens, the parties continue in dimly lit halls and cellars.
in different parts of the city, like here at the KitKatClub"
Nine-year-old Didiller Angulo is hanging from a basketball hoop in Potrero Grande. Potrero Grande is a neighborhood located
on the outskirts of Cali, on the banks of the Cauca River — a strategic corridor for cocaine trafficking.
It is undoubtedly this strategic location that attracted one of Colombia's most powerful drug traffickers.
Juan Carlos Ramírez Abadía, nicknamed "Chupeta" (Lollipop), who bought this land several years ago.
Following Chupeta's arrest, his land was seized and his former riverside ranch was converted into housing.
for families displaced by the Colombian civil war. While the new housing offered shelter, poverty
Deeply rooted, unemployment and social insecurity persisted. As the inhabitants became more aware
As they lived at the heart of a cocaine corridor, new ambitions and alliances began to form.
Despite their differences, street gangs and cartels are closely linked. The gangs receive financial support
and drugs intended for retail sale, while the cartels need these henchmen
to ensure the unimpeded flow of cocaine to their destinations"
Sangre Blanca , signed book (GOST BOOKS, 2026)
Photographs by Mads Nissen.
Illustrations by Juan Arreaza. Essays by Santiago Rivas, María Jimena Duzán, Henrik Vigh and Luis Chaparro.
Available in English and Spanish.
192 pages (5-color printing)
106 images
Hardcover binding with cloth cover ISBN 978-1-915423-92-4
€75 (shipping included within the EU)
To order the book: https://www.madsnissen.com/shop/
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