"This is our revolution." Behind the scenes of Gen Z Madagascar

An exclusive interview to gain an in-depth understanding of the Gen Z Madagascar movement, which has shaken the established order. Born on TikTok before igniting the streets, it has shattered the hierarchy of discourse and paved the way for a social, political, and cultural revolution. Sariaka Senecal, 22, a representative of Gen Z Madagascar, and the poet Élie Ramanankavana, 30, recount how a united, clear-sighted, and rebellious youth is attempting to bring about a new collective entity: the Malagasy individual.

In Madagascar, the Gen Z movement has shaken the established order. Born on social media before taking to the streets, it has shaken the country's social, political, and symbolic hierarchy. In this youth-led revolution, an entire generation is demanding the right to speak, to freedom, and to emancipation—in a society still deeply structured by the collective, the family, lineage, and the pronouncements of elders.

Through a rich and sensitive dialogue, Jean-Marc Adolphe speaks with Sariaka Senecal , 22, a student in Literature and representative of the Gen Z Madagascar movement, and Élie Ramanankavana , poet and columnist.

From the music of names to the music of revolutions, together they explore this pivotal moment where Malagasy youth – between tradition and modernity, between “land of the ancestors” and “land of the descendants” – are perhaps inventing the unprecedented figure of the individual. Malagasy.

Note well - On Elie Ramanankavana, read about the humanities :

• Jean-Joseph Rabéarivelo, Jean-Luc Raharimanana, Na Hassi and Elie Ramanankavana, Malagasy voices ( HERE )

• Madagascar, the revolution that is coming ( HERE )

• Madagascar, Diary of a Revolution / 01 ( HERE )

• To read the rest of the "diary of a Revolution", visit Elie Ramanankavana's Facebook page ( HERE )

  
  

Transcription

Jean-Marc Adolphe - I'd like to start by talking about your names, because there's a music to languages. There's a music to names. I read, I don't know if it's true, that the name Sariaka, pronounced "Saarick," means "generous" or "charitable." Can you confirm this?

Sariaka Senecal - Yes, but it mainly means two other things. It's music that makes you smile, and that brings joy.

JM.A. - Elie, your turn. Your name is Ramanankavana. This Malagasy name, from what I've read, can be broken down into several significant parts: R is a prefix often used for family or clan names, which can mean "he who is from" or "belonging to." "Mana" means "to have, to possess," or refers to a notion of power or authority. "Kavana" can refer to a family or clan group, sometimes associated with a notion of lineage or belonging. Thus, "Ramanankavana" can be translated as "he who possesses or who has power, authority over the clan or his people." Do you agree?

Elie Ramanankavana – Yes, it means the one who owns the family, or the one who has a large family. What's really interesting is that in this surname, the only vowel is A. And that's the vowel that best represents Madagascar. In Madagascar, there are only A's. I also come from a region called Farafangana. And I belong to an ethnic group called the Rabakara (1) . In the end, perhaps Ramankavana is one of the most Malagasy names in its sound. These endless repetitions of A's are fascinating.

JM.A - Before discussing the history of the Gen Z movement, how it was formed, and what is happening today, I would like to revisit the text published yesterday, November 5th, by Elie on his Facebook page: "Impossible Freedom: The Birth of the Malagasy Individual." This text raises the question of individuality. How does one become an individual within a community? Elie Ramanankavana writes, "To say 'I' here is never to refer to oneself. It is to declare an origin, a territory, and above all, a grave. It is to bring with oneself group interests, taboos, prohibitions, a family religion, beliefs, and legends so deeply rooted that they make the emergence of the individual almost impossible. These elements are enough to show that freedom, in Madagascar, is a difficult undertaking."

Sariaka Senecal - I agree with this distinction. The Malagasy people (2) are collective, very close-knit, and this was one of the fundamental values of the old society: unity, the idea of flying together. I use this image because the bird is very important in Malagasy culture. I am Merina (3) , I come from the highlands, but in Madagascar in general, birds are very important . And there is this aspect of "flying all together." Being united with others may take away some freedom in a sense of personal freedom. But there is a freedom that is acquired by uniting together, or at least that freedom can only be acquired by uniting. This is something I noticed a lot in Gen Z. Individual freedom, we didn't have it. We didn't have the freedom to speak for each other, to express our opinions. And yet, we all shared the same opinion, but we thought it in private. We all joined forces for the same purpose, to do the same thing, to demonstrate together, to express and use our freedom of expression, the freedom to demonstrate.

We all joined forces and created a collective. Gen Z was born, and then other entities emerged from Gen Z, and we all rallied together in a collective. However, once the street protests were over, each entity within the collective movement regained its independence. I believe that to achieve freedom, you have to unite. Once freedom is attained, it's practiced by small groups, or even individually.

JM.A. - This evokes, in what we call the West, the notion of the individual, which is ultimately relatively recent. In his writings, Elie also speaks of the notion of belief. We were under the authority of a single god, that of the Catholic religion. Modernity begins at the end of the 19th century, beginning of the 20th, with, on the one hand, industrialization, and also cinema, with "modern" dance. There emerges what we will call subjectivity, that is to say, the fact that the subject does not depend on the authority of a god to exist, to have their own consciousness, their own freedom. Now, Western colonialism—we are not yet completely free of it—assumed, fundamentally, that the peoples and territories it colonized were incapable of modernity; and therefore prevented, in a certain way, the emergence of this subjectivity within, as you so rightly say, communities with their beliefs and rituals of belonging.

Sariaka Senecal - I'm a medievalist, so I know a little about the communitarianism of European civilizations... Regarding the notion of modernity: in what way does individualism have a greater evolutionary value than communitarianism? Ultimately, it's an adaptation: individualism corresponds to current societies. It's a question of culture. I think that freedom has several layers and above all, or more precisely, it's like Lego pieces, pieces that fit together: it's hollow in one piece, it's solid in another. Sometimes, you have to sacrifice freedom to have freedom.

JM.A. - Elie, I'm coming back to your text... You say something I find very interesting. Speaking of this revolutionary upheaval that shook Madagascar, you write, "The hierarchy trembles under the earthquake of the 'zandry-zanaka,' the children, the younger generation, demand the right to speak, equality with their elders, and therefore the end of patriarchal rule. This is perhaps the first sign of a real individuality, an equality built in the clamor of disobedience and the refusal of submission. Because in the meantime, this youth has forged its own codes, its norms, its references. It no longer defines itself by lineage, by region, or by a tomb. And the most striking proof of this shift lies in the innovative concept of 'tanin-janaka,' land of the descendants. A word perhaps destined to dethrone 'tanin-drazana,' land of the ancestors." A word that, in its own way, says that the time of the living has just begun... by giving birth to the first signs of the Malagasy individual.

Elie Ramanankavana - From the outset, my understanding of the movement stems precisely from what I call the hierarchy of speech. That is to say, in Malagasy society, there is this hierarchy of speech that is generally called "ha-sintin" (4) . In Malagasy society, speech belongs to the "zoukraya manjin," that is to say, to the elders and parents. And the "zanj zanak," the child, the youngest, is primarily there to listen and to bear the burden of society; that is to say, it is said that having parents, elders, means having spokespeople, and having younger siblings means having burden-bearers. Except that with the Gen Z movement, the hierarchy of speech is disrupted. We have "zandr, zanaka" who want to speak out and who say, yes, we too have a say in what is happening in this society. In itself, this is a revolution in Malagasy society.

From the moment this hierarchy is disrupted, all the values upheld by the elders—religion, belonging to a territory, belonging to a tomb—are challenged because these "zandry, zanaka," when they speak, speak without necessarily referring to an ethnic origin, a religion, or a tomb. Ultimately, this leads to the emergence of the individual, the Malagasy individual. The Malagasy individual, who, even today, is still in embryo. The emergence of the term "tanin-janaka" (5) embodies this revolution.

JM.A. - This means that what began with the Gen Z movement is a political revolution, a social revolution, but also a cultural revolution. Now, we're going to get a little more specific, since we said at the beginning that we were going to reveal the behind-the-scenes story of this whole movement. Is it true that initially, Vladimir Putin offered a 15-day training course to some Malagasy people in Nepal, and then on September 25th, Putin called and told you, "Okay, go ahead"?

Sariaka Senecal - Oh dear, not at all, not at all, not at all, not at all. That's just gossip. Gen Z simply started on TikTok. In fact, TikTok is our platform for expression, especially for what we call Gen Z, and Gen Z has its own codes, codes of humor, social codes, and cultural codes. There are lots of small content creators on TikTok who post critical videos. Yes, there was an inspiration, particularly in the Philippines, I think, where there were videos about corruption, about families living well while the people suffer. And there were videos denouncing the old regime, denouncing its abuses and all that. We followed it. I, for example, was a consumer and commenter of those kinds of videos. It was simply these content creators, young people my age, who were inspired by Gen Z Nepal and who messaged me saying, "Do you want to be part of this group?" And I said, "Of course, I was just waiting for someone to ask me." At first, there were 15 of us in a small group. Then we grew to 100 people in an Instagram group. It was simply a group, plain and simple. There was nothing crazy about it.

JM.A. - But in this group, there must have been a turning point? Who said: "Come on, on the 25th, we're going"?

Sariaka Senecal - Actually, we held our first demonstration on September 15th for Black democracy. It was "demokrasia mens" (6) , which means "Black democracy," and it was a mourning for democracy. In fact, there weren't many people, but Baba, Clémence, and Lily, who had called for this demonstration, were arrested, and that's what sparked everything. There were widespread calls to demonstrate. We were all talking together. We were saying to each other, "How are we going to organize ourselves? What are we going to do?" And honestly, on the very first day, we weren't expecting anything like this. Armed forces were deployed from the morning onward. It was pure panic. It was a manhunt. And we were all terrified, because we knew what kind of country we were living in... Until the inauguration of the current president, we were in hiding. A few brave souls dared to speak out. I had spoken out once before on Brut . My parents were horrified. I hadn't even given my real first name; I used my middle name, Camille. Or simply, I called myself Sirène, a nickname in the industry. I changed my Facebook profile so I wouldn't be recognized. We were scared, really scared.

JM.A. - Elie, are you on TikTok? I'm asking because you're 30: for Gen Z, you're already an elder...

Elie Ramanankavana - I've only been on TikTok very recently. And I don't really understand how TikTok works. I know a little about Instagram, but mostly Facebook.

JM.A. - Were you surprised by this public appearance on September 25th? If I'm not mistaken, I believe your first Facebook post about Gen Z dates from September 27th...

Elie Ramanankavana - Actually, my very first post reflecting on Generation Z in general was about the Generation Z movement in Nepal. It was a reflection on revolution: is it a revolution or a popular uprising? A revolution is a paradigm shift, while a revolt is an uprising against a person or against groups. I came to the conclusion that in Nepal, it was more of a revolt than a revolution.

Then came the events of September 25th in Madagascar. I was deeply affected by discussions with my father, a political analyst who was very close to President Ratsiraka (7) . Three years earlier, he had already predicted that the current regime would collapse, not as a result of a leader-led revolt, but following a social explosion. I was convinced it would happen. And then it did. I continued my reflections on Gen Z, and particularly on Gen Z in Madagascar, and I came to the conclusion that, in Madagascar's case, it was more of a revolution. Precisely because I talk about this hierarchy of speech, and how this movement brings about a paradigm shift, with the inversion, or at least the equalization, of the social hierarchy between elders and younger generations.

Sariaka Senecal - I completely agree with this very subtle, literary distinction between "drazana" and "janaka," which is much deeper than it might seem. What is "drazana"? It means honor: it's very much about the honor of our ancestors, which is a fundamental value in Malagasy society. Whereas "janaka" means development, it's about preservation for the future. It's distinctly 21st-century, and it's only natural that we, the children of the 21st century, the youth, should be the ones carrying this message. We are the ones who must act for the future of our children rather than for the honor of our ancestors, which is still very important, but thinking about their descendants is a way of honoring our ancestors.

JM.A - Elie, what I find interesting in the chronicles you publish on Facebook is the reminder of Madagascar's history. That is to say, you place the present uprising within a chain of events that preceded it.

Elie Ramanankavana – It stems from a personal trauma, linked to the 2002 uprising (8) . My father, close to the former president, was persecuted and forced to flee home. I was seven years old at the time. This obviously left its mark on me, and afterwards I sought to understand these popular uprisings. I read extensively, absorbed a considerable amount of historical knowledge about revolutions, and was able to analyze them, study how they unfold, how they begin, and how they end, within the Malagasy context. And there was this desire to enlighten Gen Z, because from the outset, I noticed that people were reading my work. I wanted to help them promote their movement, to ensure its success. So, I was practicing how to really anticipate events and even do some preliminary research to give Gen Z a head start. For example, at one point, one of the posts that went somewhat viral was about estimating the cost of the repression (more than 2 billion per day for the deployment of armed forces in Antananarivo); how the repression is unsustainable in a country like Madagascar and how a popular uprising is bound to succeed...

Sariaka Senecal - I remember this post very well.

JM.A - Did that give you courage?

Sariaka Senecal - It made us think, and even more than courage, it gave us an even stronger desire to protest. Today, we are still capable of taking to the streets to demonstrate if the need arises. We are not tired. We are not fed up.

JM.A - Sariaka, you're 22 years old and studying Literature (in Lille, France). How does one become a spokesperson for the Gen Z movement at 22? Was there an election, a co-opting process? We were the only ones in France to publish the "roadmap" for Gen Z Madagascar ( HERE ): how was that decided? Was it voted on? Was there a general assembly? Was everything done via TikTok? How does Gen Z actually work?

Sariaka Senecal - First of all, how did I become a spokesperson (I say "representative" rather than "spokesperson")? Actually, it was a series of coincidences, a confluence of things that happened to me: I was in the right place at the right time. And then came the question of making our voices heard on social media and especially with the media. Our spokespeople include Eliott, Mihary, Jenny, Mirindra... There are many more, also in each delegation in each province. As for me, it was the press. Why me? It was a sensitive time to show your face, and obviously, the media wanted us to show our faces. And I had the courage. I was driven by love for my country and I was ready to put myself in danger. Several times during the struggle, I put myself in danger. I'm 22 years old. I'm a student. I have my own life. Finally, I had my little life. Why risk it all? To be an activist? Being an activist is the greatest act of self-sacrifice. Because it means that our self-respect is subservient to a cause we believe to be greater than ourselves. And I think that's what happened at that moment. At one point, I said, "Okay, I'm going." It was truly by chance. Pure chance.

JMA - And the Gen Z charter. How was it written and adopted?

Sariaka Senecal - It's important to understand that behind every decision made by Gen Z, there are consultations. There are groups of competent people. We are students, and we are still acquiring skills. But already, there are people who have expertise in certain areas. We have a Discord server where we ask a lot of questions, but in fact, we know—especially regarding our charter, less so in the case of the roadmap, which really stemmed from a strategy—that people have thought about it, who have spent sleepless nights considering what strategies we could implement. The charter is a rallying point, and I think it's the easiest thing to create.

We all know what we want for our country, we all know what we shouted and chanted during the protests, what we're demanding, why we started commenting on TikToks and posting videos online. In fact, we often have the same criticisms, but sometimes different approaches. And I'm part of Gen Z in Madagascar, but Gen Z isn't just us; Gen Z belongs to the people, it's your people. And there are different Gen Z groups within the population who say things and do things. The problem is how to unite all of this around the same goal, and that's where the charter comes in.

JM.A. - We talked about TikTok, and you just mentioned Discord (9) . Can you tell us a little more about it?

Sariaka Senecal - You might know the Discord +261 (our phone code)? It's a Discord server that's open to everyone, accessible, where there are sometimes votes, often information, especially during demonstrations...

JM.A. - One of Gen Z's recurring demands was for moderate internet access rates; was it sometimes difficult to get internet access?

Sariaka Senecal - Yes, of course, just with the power outages alone, there are many obstacles that mean, and we're aware of this, Gen Z isn't reaching everyone. 70% of the population is under 30, but how many young people live in isolated areas, in places without internet access? Young people we can't always reach because internet access is too expensive, in addition to infrastructure problems and power outages...

If we didn't have the majority of the population in the streets, it wasn't because the majority of the population supported the old regime, but simply because the majority of the population didn't even have the means to access information...

Elie Ramanankavana - I would like to add that initially, there was even a certain amount of censorship in the media. In newsrooms, it was sensitive to talk about Gen Z because it wasn't really clear who the leader of the movement was: it's a movement with a horizontal hierarchy. The real way to circumvent this censorship was the internet.

JMA - What's happening today? The president has been impeached and stripped of his citizenship. A new government has been formed. The water and electricity problems certainly won't be solved overnight. But how are the demands of the Gen Z movement being heard today, accepted or not, and how optimistic are you?

Sariaka Senecal – We are not truly optimistic, because to be optimistic is to be naive. Andry Rajoelina 's regime is gone, but the system itself must be destroyed. This system of nepotism, this system that disadvantages young people, this system that disadvantages the Malagasy people—so no, we are not optimistic, we are skeptical. How do we want to make ourselves heard? We want to have a place as a youth consultation committee. We want to unite the youth. Who is the majority of the population? Who is the Malagasy population? It is the youth. We want access to all young people, to give them access to all information. We want transparency, we want an anti-corruption campaign, and we want respect for our fundamental rights, including our freedom of expression.

How do we intend to have influence? We want to act as a safeguard, we want to be a force for change within the government. This will involve committees, of course; we are open to input and we seek the help of experts, but we want to have a voice because this is our revolution, we are the ones who brought it about. Power doesn't belong to individuals. We hold the power, and we entrust it to the PRRM (Presidency for the Refounding of the Malagasy Republic). So far, we have seen goodwill, or at least a willingness to listen, but with limitations, because, as I said, a system isn't destroyed in a day, just as it wasn't built in a day. And the goal is to dismantle this system, brick by brick.

JMA - Before concluding, Sariaka, I noticed that your left forearm is adorned with a tattoo. Can we know what it is?

Sariaka Senecal – Yes, of course. It's a hibiscus flower with a little butterfly. It's because I come from an island, and especially because I do Haitian dance. That was my life before all this. I danced all the time...

JM.A - The final word goes to the "elder" (30 years old): optimistic, or not? In the first humanities column on the revolution in Madagascar ( HERE ), Michel Strulovici recalled the economic and political context that explains the "endemic" poverty in Madagascar. All of this suggests that it won't be easy to expel or relocate him. Elie, how do you perceive what Sariaka just said?

Elie Ramanankavana – The first decision this regime made was precisely the appointment of the prime minister: someone linked to the old regime. This appointment was made without consultation, and it sidelines those who truly embody the revolution, namely Generation Z. This has been confirmed by subsequent appointments: the hope is for change through individuals, whereas the demands were for a change of the system itself. To this day, we have no clear indication of a genuine desire to change the system. We see above all a continuity and a marginalization of the generation that made the revolution. Ultimately, hope is not found in this new regime. What gives hope today is precisely with young people like Sariaka, this Generation Z that is still present, that has not been buried. In Madagascar, revolutions generally unfold like this: a leader leads the revolution, and then the leader co-opts the revolution to consolidate power. Today, there is no leader of the Gen Z movement, and the people are entrenched; they won't be able to co-opt this movement. Hope lies in this generation, in the structuring of Generation Z...

Interview conducted on November 6, 2025

NOTES

(1) The Rabakara are one of the three main ethnic groups inhabiting the Farafangana region in southeastern Madagascar, in the Atsimo Atsinanana region. They coexist with the Antefasy and Zafizoro ethnic groups. The Rabakara contribute to the cultural diversity of this coastal area and have their own traditions, clothing styles, and social structures, including the still important role of the "Apanjaka," or kings, in some ethnic groups such as the Rabakara. This region is known for its rich culture as well as its geography, which includes coastal plains, hills, and mountainous areas further inland.

(2) In Malagasy, the term "Malagasy" refers to both the Malagasy people and the Malagasy language. This word is used by the inhabitants of Madagascar to identify themselves. It reflects their cultural, linguistic, and ethnic identity, encompassing all the island's populations, who share an Austronesian origin as well as various African influences. The word "Malagasy" is therefore not simply a translation of the French word "Malagasy"; it is an essential indigenous term that literally means "people of Madagascar" or "inhabitant of Madagascar."

(3) The Malagasy people are made up of approximately 18 main ethnic groups of Austronesian and African origin, present throughout the island of Madagascar. The Merina (25% of the population) are the largest ethnic group, settled mainly in the central highlands around Antananarivo. They have Asian, particularly Indonesian, origins and are known for their royal culture and their fundamental Malagasy dialect.

The Betsileo (12%) also live in the Highlands and are renowned for their arts, rice cultivation and strong social history.

The Betsimisaraka represent about 19% and are the main ethnic group on the east coast, cultivating coffee, cloves and sugar cane.

The Sakalava, present on the west coast, are also an important ethnic group with an economy based on livestock farming and fishing.

Other notable ethnic groups include the Antandroy, Antaisaka, Mahafaly, Vezo (coastal and maritime), Bara (zebu herders), Antakarana, and several other groups distributed according to the inland and coastal geographical areas of Madagascar.

(4) In Malagasy, the term “ha-sintin” refers to a concept related to the hierarchy of speech or the structure of discourse, particularly in social contexts where speech is organized according to rules of respect and social standing. More precisely, “ha-sintin” can be interpreted as the hierarchy in speaking turns, indicating who speaks first, who has the right to speak, and how roles in communication are distributed within a group or meeting, thus reflecting the power dynamics and respect within Malagasy society. This concept is important in traditional and social exchanges, where speech is not merely a means of communication but a vehicle for hierarchical social relations. This notion complements the study of verbal interactions and politeness in Malagasy culture, where roles, ages, and statuses determine how and when to speak.

(5) In Malagasy, “tanin-janaka” literally means “land of the children” or “ancestral land.” This term evokes the notion of the land of origin, that inherited from ancestors and passed down to descendants. It is a fundamental concept in Malagasy culture that underscores the importance of the link between the population and its native land, often imbued with identity, spiritual, and social values. This notion refers not only to a physical territory but also to family and community heritage, embodying a deep connection to collective memory and respect for traditions.

(6) In Malagasy, “demokrasia mens” (or “demokrasia tena izy”) means “true democracy” or “authentic democracy.” This term is used to emphasize a fully realized form of democracy, stressing the effective participation of the people, respect for fundamental freedoms, and transparency in governance. In the Malagasy context, this expression often refers to a political ideal, an aspiration for a democracy that goes beyond superficial or partial forms, seeking to guarantee genuine social justice, freedom, and civic inclusion. It is sometimes at the heart of public debates and popular demands for better democratic functioning and greater accountability of leaders to the people.

(7). Didier Ratsiraka (1936-2021), nicknamed "the Red Admiral," was a charismatic Malagasy statesman and military man by training. The first president of the Second Republic, he came to power in 1975 after the military transition and implemented a socialist policy with the Malagasy language policy. Founder of the AREMA party (Vanguard for the Malagasy Revolution), he led Madagascar from 1975 to 1993 and then from 1997 to 2001, before finally being ousted during a crisis in 2002.

(8) The 2002 uprising in Madagascar was triggered by the political crisis stemming from the highly contested presidential election of December 2001. Didier Ratsiraka, the incumbent president, and Marc Ravalomanana, the mayor of Antananarivo, disputed the victory. Ravalomanana claimed victory after a recount and was recognized by the international community, but Ratsiraka contested the results, leading to months of tension. The country was divided into two opposing camps, with mass demonstrations, barricades, and a near-total shutdown of activities, particularly around the capital, Antananarivo, the epicenter of the movement. This crisis escalated into violent clashes, resulting in approximately thirty deaths and hundreds of injuries.

(9) Discord is an online communication platform that allows users to exchange messages via text, voice, and video. It operates through private or public servers or communities, where users can create themed channels to chat, share files, make voice or video calls, and organize various activities. Initially designed for video game players, Discord has expanded to a wide audience, ranging from study groups to professional communities. Users can join up to 100 servers for free, with advanced features such as bot integration for moderation, server management and engagement, as well as live screen and video sharing. Discord is accessible on computers, mobile devices, and web browsers, offering seamless and secure communication, ideal for remote work, online classes, or simply chatting with friends. Discord has thus become a popular and multifunctional tool for bringing communities together around shared interests.

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